I have been part of the local criminal justice
system for 30 years. During that time, I have seen thousands of young men and
women sentenced to lengthy jail and prison sentences. Among the reasons for
mass incarceration are lengthy "minimum mandatory" sentences that
result in addicts being locked up until they are elderly.
Crime rates are significantly down in our area,
our state and our nation. Yet the United States continues to have the highest
incarceration rates in the world.
The prisons in Florida provide little in the way
of education opportunities, addiction treatments or mental health counseling.
Inmates are released back into our communities with few prospects for jobs or
reintegration.
I had the opportunity to discuss these topics
with about 100 engaged citizens who participated in a recent "Einstein's
Circle" held at the University of South Florida. As one of the programs
produced by the Lifelong Learning Academy, this is an opportunity to interact,
engage and discuss important topics with people who can add their own insights
and experiences to the mix.
When I use the term "criminal justice
reform," I am primarily referring to the elimination of minimum mandatory
sentences in order to return discretion to the local judiciary, where it
belongs. But I am also talking about ending our overreliance on prison
sentences when nothing is done to address underlying issues.
My argument is that we need to expand
alternatives to incarceration, like Drug Court and Veterans Court, while making
victim compensation a primary goal of the system. It also means working to
reintegrate offenders into our communities and not denying them the right to
vote after the completion of a court's sentence.
The citizens involved with Einstein's Circle had
a lot to add to this discussion. Among the questions asked and points raised
were the following:
Does the privatization of the prison system
incentivize incarceration over better rehabilitation strategies? Would
additional community mental health treatment centers be a good investment?
Why is there resistance to paying for long-term
drug treatment as an alternative to imprisonment? Shouldn't we provide extra
educational incentives to prisoners in Florida's jails and prisons?
Aren't our limited financial resources better
spent on treatment, education and victim compensation? With crime rates down,
can we reduce the amount of money spent on law enforcement and corrections? How
can we work with employers to give offenders a second chance at meaningful work
so that they can make restitution to victims?
Many people in the audience had experience
working with offenders. There was general consensus that we need to work with
inmates to tackle issues such as illiteracy while they are incarcerated. We
can't keep people locked up for years at a time and then release them with out
the necessary skills to survive.
We must also strive to understand the
disproportionate impact that our present criminal justice policies have had
upon African-American citizens and neighborhoods, and adopt educational and
community strategies other than incarceration.
At the national level, some progress has been
made in reducing prison sentences for certain drug offenses. States such as
Georgia, Texas, California and New York have implemented reform efforts that
have resulted in significant cost savings and no increase in criminal behavior.
One interesting aspect of these reform efforts is
that they are usually bipartisan. Saving scant resources, eliminating wasteful
incarceration costs, and providing for more effective treatment of offenders
are neither Democratic nor Republican policies. They just make sense.
In Florida, despite our declining crime rates,
the prison population continues to increase. We will spend approximately $2.4
billion this year just on housing prisoners. Our state's incarceration rate is
26 percent higher than the national average, and we have the third-largest
correctional system in the nation. Approximately 102,000 people are locked up
in Florida prisons and many more are housed in our county jails.
Unfortunately, legislators are reluctant to
tackle meaningful reform efforts for fear of being portrayed as "soft on
crime." As citizens, it is our job to let our elected leaders know that we
want them to examine different priorities for our criminal justice system.
For further information on this subject, I
recommend that you review websites maintained by the Sentencing Project, the
Marshall Project, "Right on Crime -- The Conservative Case for
Reform," and others.
Locally I maintain a Facebook page called
"Sarasota Criminal Justice Reform," where I collect articles and
moderate discussions on this topic. I encourage you to join the conversation.
Adam Tebrugge of Sarasota is a Bradenton-based
defense attorney.
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